Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva

Author:Eduardo Bonilla-Silva [Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo]
Language: eng
Format: mobi, epub, azw3
ISBN: 9780742546868
Publisher: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
Published: 2006-01-15T06:28:53.251467+00:00

35. Schuman et al., Racial Attitudes in America.

36. Yanick St. Jean, ‘‘Let People Speak for Themselves: Interracial Unions and the General Social Survey,’’ Journal of Black Studies 28, no. 3 (1998): 398–414.

37. I am not suggesting that people who have an entirely white network of associations are ‘‘racist.’’ Conceptually, I argue that racism ought to be studied in a structural manner. In my work, I use the term ‘‘racism’’ exclusively to designate the racial ideology of a racialized social system and, thus, labeling someone as ‘‘racist’’ represents a regression to an individualist and subjectivist reading of racial matters. The issue here is assessing the real degree of support for interracial relationships among whites. Thus, it is necessary to have a larger picture in view to clearly demarcate the meaning and implications of respondents’ self-reported approval of interracial relationships. By including elements from the respondents’

lives (such as lack of meaningful interracial interaction or fear of blacks), I am able to interpret their positions on interracial marriages in terms of a larger context.

38. We were flexible in the classification of respondents as having an interracial lifestyle. Hence respondents who had one black friend at any point in time were regarded as having an interracial lifestyle.

39. Asian women are viewed by many white men as highly ‘‘desirable’’

because they are supposed to be subservient and sensual, as ‘‘China Dolls,’’ the label given to this stereotype by the Media Action Network for Asian Americans.

See Media Action Network for Asian Americans, A Memo from MANAA to Holly-wood: Asian Stereotypes (www.janet.org/ manaa/a_stereotypes).

Peeking Inside the (White) House of Color Blindness 129

40. This literature has also uncovered that when status differences between groups exist, as in the case between whites and blacks, the advantaged group develops its own ‘‘groupthink,’’ values, and norms to account for and rationalize these differences. See Cecilia Ridgeway and James Balkwell, ‘‘Group Processes and the Diffusion of Status Beliefs,’’ Social Psychology Quarterly 60, no. 1 (1997): 14–31; Cecilia Ridgeway, Elizabeth Heger Boyle, Kathy J. Kuipers, and Dawn T.

Robinson, ‘‘How Do Status Beliefs Develop? The Role of Resources and Interactional Experience,’’ American Sociological Review 63 (June 1998): 331–50.

41. Interestingly, a recent review of the past 30 years of work in the area of social psychology labels the area ‘‘color blind’’ and concludes that ‘‘social psychologists . . . have given race and ethnicity less attention than it warrants.’’Hence, we still lack serious social-psychological analyses of the various ways in which race affects multiple social processes. Matthew O. Hunt, Pamela Braboy Jackson, Brian Powell, and Lala Carr Steelman, ‘‘Color Blind: The Treatment of Race and Ethnicity in Social Psychology,’’ Social Psychology Quarterly 63, no. 4 (2000): 360–

61. See also Carla Goar’s article, ‘‘Even the Rats are White: White Supremacy in Experimental Methodology’’ in White Logic, White Methods: Racism and Methodology, edited by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and Tukufu Zuberi (Forthcoming).

42. For data on segregation by groups, see Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A.

Denton, ‘‘Trends in the Residential Segregation of Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians: 1970–1980,’’ American Sociological Review 52, no. 6 (December 1987): 802–25.

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